Category: Article

Tourism Isn’t Collapsing—But the Model Is

By Muad Zaki, Senior Fellow at Asia Middle East Center (AMEC)

Global tourism is not disappearing. But the conditions that sustained it over the past two decades are shifting in ways policymakers can no longer ignore.

Travel behaviour is changing. Decisions are becoming more sensitive to perceived risk that is shaped not only by cost or convenience, but by geopolitical uncertainty and a broader sense of instability linked to recent tensions in the Middle East. For many travellers, long-haul leisure trips are no longer routine. They are conditional.

The implications are becoming clearer. Short-haul and regional travel are holding firm, in some cases strengthening, while long-haul discretionary travel is becoming more selective. This shift is driven less by policy than by perception, and perception tends to move faster than official reassurances.

For economies built on high volumes of short-stay international arrivals, particularly from distant markets, this creates structural exposure. What was once primarily a demand question is now also a connectivity question of whether travellers can move as easily, as predictably, and at the same cost as before.

Early signals from the aviation sector point in one direction. Airlines across Asia and Europe have begun adjusting schedules in response to tightening jet fuel supplies and rising operational uncertainty linked to Middle East tensions. Routes are being rerouted, capacity trimmed, and in some cases, flights reduced not only due to cost pressures, but because of constraints on fuel availability and logistics. Increasingly, carriers are planning for disruption rather than assuming stability.

These adjustments are not abstract. Reduced flight frequency, longer routing times, and higher operational costs feed directly into ticket prices and traveller decisions. For long-haul destinations, even small increases in friction—financial or psychological—can shift demand elsewhere.

Few countries illustrate this exposure more clearly than the Maldives.

Its tourism model has been highly effective under stable global conditions, attracting long-haul visitors willing to travel significant distances for short, high-value stays. But that same model depends on something less visible: confidence in global mobility and the reliability of long-distance travel networks. When either becomes uncertain, whether due to geopolitical tensions, fuel supply disruptions, or shifting airline strategies, the impact is immediate.

For a country such as the Maldives, where tourism underpins foreign exchange earnings and a large share of government revenue, this creates a specific form of vulnerability. A decline in arrivals does not remain contained within the tourism sector. It feeds directly into fiscal pressure, currency dynamics, and broader economic activity. The issue is not tourism itself, but concentration. Even moderate disruptions can produce outsized domestic effects.

In this context, even incremental adjustments that broaden the base of longer-term economic participation—alongside tourism—may help reduce volatility without undermining the sector’s core strengths.

This pattern extends beyond small island economies. Across parts of Southeast Asia, tourism has long been central to growth strategies, particularly in destinations such as Thailand and Indonesia. These economies are more diversified, but they are not insulated from shifts in global travel behaviour or from disruptions in the aviation networks that sustain it.

What distinguishes the current moment is not simply disruption, but the convergence of risks. Travelers are more sensitive to geopolitical developments. Airlines are operating with greater caution. Energy supply chains are under strain. Together, these pressures are beginning to reshape the assumptions on which tourism-dependent growth models rely.

Previous crises, from financial downturns to the COVID-19 pandemic, were treated as temporary interruptions. Tourism paused, then resumed. The expectation was continuity.

That reality  now looks less certain.

Tourism is unlikely to disappear, but it is being recalibrated into becoming more regional, more selective, and less predictable.

Demand is not vanishing. It is shifting.

A growing share of global mobility is no longer defined by short-term visitors alone. Remote workers, digital professionals with foreign income, and a broader class of mobile residents are becoming more visible across destinations. While still smaller in absolute numbers, this segment has expanded significantly in recent years.

Their economic role differs in important ways. Instead of concentrated, one-off spending, their contribution unfolds over time through housing, services, education, and daily consumption.

A less visible constraint, however, sits beneath this shift, one rooted in political incentives.

In many developing economies, policy attention gravitates toward what is visible. Large-scale tourism investments—resorts, airports, flagship infrastructure—offer immediate political value. They are tangible, high-profile, and easily communicated as progress.

The alternative is quieter. Long-term residents and small-scale foreign entrepreneurs do not arrive in a single announcement. Their impact accumulates gradually through sustained demand for housing, services, and local businesses.

The imbalance is structural. Policy frameworks tend to privilege what is politically visible over what is economically stabilizing.

For policymakers across ASEAN, this distinction is becoming harder to ignore. Economic strategies that generate continuous, widely distributed benefits are more likely to be experienced directly by voters—even if they lack the visibility of large-scale projects.

Malaysia is well-positioned within this shift. Its cost structure, infrastructure, and relative stability make it competitive not only as a destination, but as a place to live and work.

The more fundamental issue is how success is measured. Tourism policy continues to prioritize arrival numbers, a metric that captures volume, but not depth.

A more relevant measure is duration and participation: how long people stay, and how they engage economically while they are there.

This shift does not require abandoning tourism. It calls for rebalancing it.

Tourism itself is not in decline, but the model that once made it reliably expandable is becoming less certain.

For countries that remain heavily dependent on short-stay, long-haul arrivals, that uncertainty translates into exposure—not only to demand cycles, but to the operational realities of global transport and energy systems. For those able to adapt, it presents an opportunity to rethink how external income enters the economy.

In Malaysia’s case, this raises a more fundamental question. Existing frameworks such as the Malaysia My Second Home (MM2H) programme were designed for a different phase of global mobility, where which long-term residency was tied primarily to wealth thresholds and retirement migration. That model still has value, but it no longer fully captures the direction in which global movement is evolving.

What is emerging instead is a more fluid form of economic participation, where individuals are not necessarily relocating permanently, but are no longer strictly visitors. They move between countries, maintain foreign income streams, and integrate economically over time without fitting traditional categories of tourist, investor, or immigrant.

The strategic opportunity lies in recognizing this shift early. Rather than relying solely on legacy frameworks, policy can begin to accommodate a broader spectrum of economic residents whose contribution is continuous, location-flexible, and less dependent on traditional investment thresholds.

For policymakers, the distinction is increasingly clear. The question is no longer only how to attract visitors, but how to position the country within a global system where people and their income are becoming more mobile, selective, and sensitive to stability.

The shift is already underway. The countries that respond early will not simply compete for tourism, but they will shape the next phase of geo-economic participation.

*Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any organization, institution, or group with which the author is affiliated.

Mr. Muad M Zaki   

Senior Fellow

WRITTEN BY:

Muad Zaki
Director of Democracy & Transparency Initiative,
AMEC
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Beware the Siren Song of Peace: Board of Peace and the US’s Strings

By: Abel Josafat Manullang

The war in Gaza has been a bloody chapter in the Middle East’s recent development, given how long and how severe the destruction has been. Following the ceasefire back in late 2025, President Trump introduced yet another initiative to oversee the post-war reconstruction of Gaza. That initiative, known as the Board of Peace, would make its debut in January 2026 in Switzerland.

The Board of Peace was set to be an international oversight body comprised of the US and other states. A look at the logo provides some semblance to that of the United Nations, albeit with a US-centered map.

One of the driving forces behind its creation is President Trump’s disappointment with the United Nations’ incapacity to live up to its potential in protecting the peace and security of the world. That potential can be seen in the many bodies within the United Nations, as well as conventions and efforts it has spearheaded across various fields.

That sentiment is somewhat amplified by the body’s failure to end numerous conflicts in the last few years alone, ranging from the war in Gaza to the war in Ukraine, and many other conflicts across the globe. With such a noble goal of peace in its name, not to mention the severe destruction in Gaza, such an initiative should be welcomed to set the stage for the reconstruction and recovery of the people.

However, it is important to note the source of this very initiative, Washington, and the way in which it has acted on the global stage. Hence, akin to the siren songs that sailors might hear, could this initiative from the giant be the light at the end of the tunnel or another pitfall to avoid?

A Stage for Escalations

Given the primacy that Washington holds in the Board of Peace, it is important to assess its recent undertaking abroad. This can be seen in its entanglements in various conflicts, primarily in the Middle East.

Washington has stood in Israel’s beck and call across the many bloody chapters of the war in Gaza. It has shielded Israel from international condemnations and provided Israel with the wherewithal, both funds and arms, to enact its aggressions. Beyond the ground confrontation in Gaza, it has helped Israel against the threat of the Houthi and Iran in both diplomatic and military senses. In short, it would go the distance to ensure Israel got the leeway to carry out its interests.

Fast forward to the first quarter of 2026, and we have witnessed new aggressions carried out by the US, especially in the Middle East, particularly against Iran. As if the 2025 12-day War was not enough, it again raised the ante by initiating another attack on Iran with Israel. 

Now, the international community has to suffer the consequences as Iran closed the Hormuz Strait, which brought to the table fear of energy shortage, considering the waterway’s importance for international trade.

Setting aside the severe damage it caused and who has suffered, which includes Washington’s allies, those strides showcase the unilateral and capricious nature of Washington. Among others, it shows how the US is willing to shove aside international laws, norms, and the interests of other states, including its allies, for the sake of its own interests or those it deems to be in line with it.

With the so-called Board of Peace’s initiator being active in the escalations, it warrants a critical examination of its purpose. Is it a noble initiative or just a siren song to lure unsuspecting states into supporting Washington’s interests?

The Board of Peace: Hope in Jeopardy?

The unilateral nature and the way the Board of Peace is set, along with the recent strides Washington took, should have been some notable cautionary signs of what is to come from the initiative. 

To begin with, it is important to note the US-centric nature of the board. This can be seen in the exhortation on the US president’s role as the chairman who holds enormous sway in the board’s decision-making. 

The US-centric nature, along with the growing capricious tendency of Washington, especially in resorting to drastic measures, should serve as a warning to those who seek to join it. The combination of the aforementioned traits suggests that the board is less of a multilateral institution than a unilateral one.

While it cannot be denied that the stated goal of the board is beneficial, one cannot turn a blind eye to the way it is done on Washington’s terms. It is even more difficult to work one’s way around, given the sheer power Washington holds and its considerably untrammelled approach.

Such a condition does not mean that the international community should simply accept any initiative Washington proposes, rather, it invites a more critical understanding of its implications and the leeway that can be used solely for Washington’s interests. 

Previous examples have shown how Washington doesn’t ponder too long when it comes to dishing out punitive measures, but states must consider the long-term strategic repercussions of relying on the increasingly capricious Washington. Hence, the international community will need to undergo some growing pains; they need to grin and bear it as they readjust their respective compass.

All things considered, every state must take a more critical approach in assessing Washington’s offers and strides. While an outright rejection or isolation from Washington is not viable, staying vigilant of Washington’s change of heart remains more important than ever. 

Amidst the many intricate developments in the international system, the last thing everyone wants is another false signpost that would misguide them even more. 


*Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any organization, institution, or group with which the author is affiliated.

About the writer: 

Abel Josafat Manullang is a writer at SiPalingHI! Media and a researcher of the Research Development House. He has developed numerous works surrounding maritime security and regional dynamics of Southeast Asia and other regions, which can be accessed through his Google Scholar page. 

 

Abel’s Instagram:
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How the Middle East Crisis Highlights the Importance of ASEAN’s Strategic Autonomy

By Muad Zaki,

Senior Fellow at Asia Middle East Center

The latest escalation in the Middle East offers an important reminder that modern conflicts rarely remain confined to the region in which they begin. In an era of globalized transportation networks, interconnected supply chains, and expanding military alliances, regional wars can rapidly produce worldwide consequences.

The recent confrontation involving the United States, Israel, and Iran demonstrates how quickly these ripple effects can emerge. Within days of the escalation, airspace closures across much of the Middle East disrupted one of the world’s most critical aviation corridors linking Europe and Asia. Airlines were forced to reroute or cancel thousands of flights, leaving passengers stranded and driving up travel costs across long-haul routes.

For Southeast Asia, such disruptions carry immediate implications. The Middle East serves as a major transit hub connecting European travelers with tourism destinations across ASEAN. When these routes are interrupted, the economic consequences spread quickly through the region’s tourism sector, aviation industry, and broader service economy.

Beyond these economic disruptions, the crisis also raises deeper questions about how military alliances and foreign basing arrangements can expand the scope of conflicts far beyond their original geography.

International Law and the Expansion of Conflict

Under the United Nations Charter, the use of force between states is generally prohibited except in cases of self-defense. Article 51 recognizes the inherent right of states to respond militarily if they believe they have been subjected to an armed attack.

Once a state invokes this right, however, the geographic scope of confrontation can expand quickly. If military operations are supported through infrastructure located in allied countries — including foreign bases, intelligence facilities or logistical hubs — those installations may become part of the operational landscape of retaliation.

This dynamic helps explain how regional conflicts can widen beyond their original battlefield. When military alliances involve shared infrastructure and operational support across multiple countries, retaliation may extend to facilities located outside the territory of the primary belligerents.

For Southeast Asia, this legal and strategic dynamic is particularly relevant. As security cooperation with extra-regional powers expands, infrastructure located within ASEAN states could become increasingly integrated into wider military architectures. In a major power confrontation, such integration may expose countries in the region to escalation risks that originate far beyond Southeast Asia.

Immediate Economic Ripple Effects

While the legal debates surrounding the conflict continue, the economic consequences were visible almost immediately.

Airspace closures across parts of the Gulf forced airlines to divert flights around the conflict zone, increasing travel times, raising fuel costs, and reducing flight capacity across long-distance routes.

Within days, global travel markets reacted. Airlines canceled flights, ticket prices increased, and tourism operators began warning of potential slowdowns in international travel.

For Southeast Asia, these disruptions are particularly significant. Tourism-dependent economies such as Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, and Singapore rely heavily on visitors from Europe and the Middle East. When flights between these regions are disrupted, tourism flows decline and hospitality industries quickly feel the impact.

Maritime trade has also been affected. The Strait of Hormuz remains one of the world’s most critical maritime chokepoints for both energy supplies and international trade. Rising tensions in the region have already prompted shipping companies to reassess routes and increase insurance premiums for vessels operating in the area.

For export-oriented Asian economies, disruptions to global logistics networks translate into higher transportation costs, delayed shipments, and increased uncertainty in supply chains.

In short, a regional military confrontation can rapidly produce global economic consequences.

Strategic Implications for ASEAN

For ASEAN policymakers, the deeper lesson from the Middle East crisis concerns the long-term risks associated with alliance structures and foreign military basing arrangements.

Southeast Asia has historically pursued a strategy of strategic neutrality. By avoiding deep alignment with competing geopolitical blocs, ASEAN has been able to maintain regional stability while engaging economically with multiple major powers.

This balancing strategy has allowed ASEAN states to benefit from economic ties with China while maintaining security cooperation with the United States and other partners.

However, neutrality can erode gradually.

Security agreements often begin as limited cooperation—joint military exercises, maritime patrols, or defense dialogues. Over time, these arrangements can evolve into deeper military integration involving expanded basing access, intelligence infrastructure, and logistical networks.

Once foreign military infrastructure becomes embedded within national territory, a country’s strategic autonomy may begin to narrow. In the event of conflict between major powers, such facilities could become integrated into broader military operations.

The Middle East crisis illustrates how quickly these dynamics can unfold. Within just days, the consequences of the conflict spread beyond the battlefield, affecting global travel networks, shipping routes, and economic markets.

For Southeast Asia, this underscores the risks associated with becoming structurally embedded within the military architectures of external powers.

Policy Advice for ASEAN

The unfolding crisis in the Middle East highlights the importance of preserving ASEAN’s strategic autonomy in an increasingly volatile geopolitical environment.

First, ASEAN governments should carefully reassess deeper participation in U.S.-led security arrangements that could gradually embed the region within external military architectures. While security cooperation may offer short-term benefits, foreign basing arrangements or operational military partnerships may expose ASEAN states to greater risks if conflicts between major powers escalate.

Second, ASEAN policymakers should review the region’s structural dependence on access to the U.S. consumer market. In an era where economic relations are increasingly shaped by geopolitical considerations, particularly as Washington’s Middle East policy remains closely aligned with Israel, overreliance on a single external market may create long-term strategic vulnerabilities.

Third, ASEAN should strengthen regional resilience by diversifying both its economic partnerships and its security dialogues. Greater engagement with neighboring powers, including China, alongside stronger intra-ASEAN economic integration, may provide a more balanced foundation for regional stability.

At the same time, ASEAN policymakers must recognize that threat perceptions within the region are not uniform. Several member states remain primarily concerned with maritime disputes in the South China Sea, while others place greater emphasis on maintaining neutrality amid intensifying major-power rivalry.

Recent developments in the Middle East also illustrate how the strategic priorities of external powers can shift during crises. In the current confrontation involving Israel and Iran, U.S. military resources have been deployed primarily to defend Israel and support Israeli security operations, even as tensions across the Gulf have raised concerns among Washington’s traditional regional partners. This dynamic highlights the reality that the security priorities of external powers are ultimately shaped by their own alliances and geopolitical calculations.

For ASEAN, these developments underscore the importance of reassessing long-standing assumptions about external security guarantees. Strengthening regional cooperation and maintaining strategic autonomy within Asia may provide a more stable foundation for Southeast Asian security than reliance on external powers whose priorities can change rapidly during international crises.

Preserving ASEAN’s long-standing strategic autonomy will require careful calibration of external partnerships so that Southeast Asia remains a center of stability rather than a frontline in great-power rivalry.

*Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any organization, institution, or group with which the author is affiliated.

Mr. Muad M Zaki   

Senior Fellow

WRITTEN BY:

Muad Zaki
Director of Democracy & Transparency Initiative,
AMEC
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From Ukraine to Taiwan: Why ASEAN Must Prepare for the Next Phase of Great-Power Proxy Politics

By Muad M Zaki. 

Senior Fellow, Asia Middle East Center 

The conflict in Ukraine did not emerge in a vacuum. It was preceded by years of legislative positioning, security assistance, narrative framing, and political signalling that incrementally narrowed diplomatic space and hardened opposing camps. Today, similar instruments are being assembled in the Indo-Pacific, —this time around Taiwan.

For ASEAN governments, the danger is not limited to a potential cross-Strait crisis. The greater strategic risk lies in how intensified U.S.–China competition may instrumentalise Southeast Asia internally, weakening ASEAN cohesion through political fragmentation, selective alignment, and domestic interference. For Chinese policymakers, this trajectory signals that as more Western states diversify or recalibrate their strategic ties toward China, Washington’s incentives to fracture regional unity where it lacks control will only grow.

The Ukraine Precedent: Escalation Without a Single Trigger

Ukraine demonstrates how a major power conflict can be cultivated without an immediate casus belli. Long before February 2022, Ukraine had already become embedded in a web of external security cooperation, military training programs, arms transfers, sanctions regimes, and diplomatic commitments that made neutrality increasingly untenable.

Crucially, escalation occurred through policy architecture, not sudden decisions. Legislative acts, multilateral coordination mechanisms, and political signalling created an environment in which confrontation became structurally likely,—even  if not inevitable.

This pattern matters because it shows how proxy dynamics are not accidental; they are built.

Taiwan as the Next Structural Flashpoint

Taiwan is now being positioned within a similar architecture. U.S. congressional initiatives, security cooperation frameworks, and strategic communications increasingly treat Taiwan less as a status-quo issue and more as a forward line in a broader containment strategy aimed at China.

This concern is not confined to analysts. In opposing the PROTECT Taiwan Act, Thomas Massie warned that such legislation mirrors the type of commitments discussed prior to the Ukraine war and risks drawing the United States into another foreign conflict through pre-commitment rather than deliberation.

For Beijing, Taiwan is an internal issue that has been deliberately internationalised. For Washington, Taiwan is increasingly framed as a test case for credibility, deterrence, and alliance leadership. These framings are fundamentally incompatible, —and that incompatibility generates risk for the entire region.


Why ASEAN Is Strategically Exposed

ASEAN’s vulnerability does not stem from weakness, but from centrality. As U.S. strategic focus shifts toward Asia, Southeast Asia becomes both a prize and a pressure point.

Three dynamics deserve particular attention:

Political Fragmentation as Strategy

Where direct control is limited, influence often shifts inward and—toward shaping domestic political outcomes. Support for particular political factions, civil society groups, media narratives, or elite networks can gradually polarise societies along external alignment lines. Over time, this erodes ASEAN’s consensus-based decision-making model from within.

Selective Alignment Pressure

As individual ASEAN states deepen economic or strategic ties with China, external pressure will likely increase to pull them back into competitive blocs. This pressure may not take the form of overt coercion, but rather conditional partnerships, reputational framing, and internal political leverage.

Intelligence and Information Vulnerability

Foreign interference today rarely resembles Cold War espionage. It operates through influence operations, funding channels, narrative amplification, and regulatory pressure points. Without coordinated counter-interference frameworks, ASEAN states risk becoming laboratories for proxy competition.

The Canada Signal —and Why It Matters

Recent recalibrations by countries such as Canada and other traditional U.S. partners toward deeper engagement with China—particularly on trade, climate, and multilateral diplomacy—carry an unintended consequence: they reduce Washington’s leverage within its traditional alliance network.

Historically, when external alignment space narrows, competitive powers compensate by seeking advantage in regions where institutional cohesion is weaker or contested. ASEAN, by virtue of its diversity and non-alignment tradition, becomes a natural target.

For ASEAN policymakers, this means that external rivalry may increasingly manifest as internal stress rather than external confrontation.

Implications for Chinese Policymakers

For Beijing, the lesson of Ukraine is not simply about military escalation; it is about how political ecosystems are shaped long before conflict begins. As China’s global partnerships expand—including with Western middle powers—U.S. strategy is likely to focus less on direct containment and more on preventing the consolidation of alternative regional orders.

ASEAN unity, particularly when economically integrated with China, represents such an alternative.

This suggests that China’s long-term interests aligns with ASEAN institutional resilience, non-interference norms, and regional autonomy —rather than accelerated bloc politics that could legitimise external intervention.

What ASEAN Governments Should Do Now

This is not a call for alignment, but for strategic self-defence.

ASEAN governments should consider:

  1. Strengthening internal cohesion mechanisms
    Reinforce ASEAN’s consensus model and resist bilateral arrangements that undermine regional unity.
  2. Enhancing counter-interference capacity
    Intelligence services must adapt from counter-espionage to counter-influence through— tracking political funding, narrative coordination, and external leverage operations.
  3. Preserving strategic ambiguity collectively
    Neutrality is most credible when exercised as a bloc, not as individual states under pressure.
  4. Separating economic cooperation from security rivalry
    ASEAN should continue engaging all major powers economically while insulating domestic political processes from external strategic agendas.

Policy Recommendation

Ukraine shows the cost of becoming the arena through which great powers manage rivalry. Taiwan risks becoming the next test case. ASEAN must ensure it does not become the silent third.

The choice facing Southeast Asia is not between Washington and Beijing, but between regional autonomy and strategic fragmentation. Autonomy requires unity, vigilance, and the insulation of domestic politics from external influence, regardless of its source.

History is clear: proxy conflicts rarely begin with war, yet—and rarely end where they start.

*Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any organization, institution, or group with which the author is affiliated.

Mr. Muad M Zaki   

Senior Fellow

WRITTEN BY:

Muad Zaki
Director of Democracy & Transparency Initiative,
AMEC
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Example of Force: The United States and What Lies Ahead for ASEAN

By Abel Josafat Manullang
The international system we live in now has witnessed numerous tumultuous chapters in the past year alone. From the development in the Middle East to the ongoing war in Eastern Europe, one giant was present through it all: the United States.

Recently, the US has embarked on some voyages that caused ripples across the globe. The unilateral tariffs and the following transactional diplomacy that followed are the harbingers of what is to come from the US under its new administration.

However, these unilateral moves do not exclusively revolve around trade activities. The recent capture of Venezuela president in its own national territory and the recent blockade on Cuba’s oil access demonstrated just how unrestrained the US can be in advancing its interests.

These moves from the US signify a change in its approach to its pursuit of interests. It demonstrates how selective the US has come to value the many international institutions it has spearheaded and stood by in the past. In other words, it now relies on its example of force as opposed to the force of its example. 

To add to this, the capriciousness of the US is also important to note, primarily in the way it defines its interests and security, which may result in abandonment of its past commitments. With such a giant on the horizon, not to mention one that many states have developed a reliance on, it will inevitably force changes to the way they manage their ties with the US.

The heart of the Indo-Pacific: ASEAN and Southeast Asia

The capricious nature of the US causes concerns for many states, including here in Southeast Asia. Other writers have posited that the same fate that befell Venezuela can also manifest in Southeast Asia. There exist some holes that can be poked by the US should it find the region and the timing fitting for its interests. This is further amplified by how some states there have leaned closer to either the US or China.

When talking about Southeast Asia, one cannot dismiss its regional bloc, ASEAN, which has witnessed various developments both internally and externally. For the former, ASEAN has come to cater to new fields in which the interests of its member states lie. The same goes for the latter, as it bridges its member states’ interests with those of the external partners. As a result, it is no surprise that ASEAN has come to have its centrality in the region.

While ASEAN’s centrality can still be felt with its vast network of partners, ASEAN must navigate the future with extreme caution in the strategic landscape. It is true that the US has its attention on accentuating its presence in the Western Hemisphere, but one cannot eliminate its presence in the Indo-Pacific as its object of interest, especially given the strong show of force it has there.

To add it up, its recent moves can be seen as warning shots for everyone, including Southeast Asia as the heart of the Indo-Pacific, that the US would take a no-holds-barred approach in pursuing its interests or responding to anyone it deems as a threat. For this, as Hoang Thi Ha and Aries A. Arugay note, it is important for the region to overcome its vulnerabilities lest the US use it as a pretext to accentuate its presence in the region. While the prior Cambodia-Thailand conflict was not used as a pretext for something akin to Venezuela’s case, the capricious nature of the US makes it best to reduce any leeway that can be capitalized.

Amidst the presence of a capricious and powerful giant, ASEAN’s relevance and centrality will be tested. This puts in more considerations, given the already enormous attention the region has received, specifically from the US and China. For all of China’s far-reaching presence, one cannot discount the presence and influence the US has as a Pacific power. To this end, ASEAN needs to maintain its centrality hand in hand with that of the US, considering the interconnectedness they share.

Additionally, ASEAN also needs to bolster its ties with its other partners. For this, ASEAN can benefit from the many strategic partnerships it has developed over the decades. They can serve as the foundation for more diversified ties that can cushion any tumults that emerge from the unilateral strides of the US or other partners. Such a feat is not only something that won’t cause alarm, given ASEAN’s record, but it also resonates with its other partners who seek to diversify their ties.

Now, with the long road ahead in 2026, ASEAN and its member states must brace themselves for the volatile landscape before them. Against such a rough sea, the states of Southeast Asia have the choice to use ASEAN as the very forum to harmonize and synergize their strides. Afterall, for all its shortcomings, ASEAN still has countless things to offer. However, it can only be materialized provided the member states have the willingness to navigate through their differences.

The fork in the road will then open the door for the question of whether ASEAN persist and maintains its cohesion as a regional bloc or will it succumb to the force of the great powers. The answer to this question will show itself over the coming months and years.


*Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any organization, institution, or group with which the author is affiliated.

About the writer:

Abel Josafat Manullang is a writer at SiPalingHI! Media and a researcher of the Research Development House. He has developed numerous works surrounding maritime security and regional dynamics of Southeast Asia and other regions, which can be accessed through his Google Scholar page. Instagram: instagram.com/abel_jman

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The Kurdish Question in the Middle East: A Comparative Perspective

By Beatrice Liverzani:

The Kurdish political landscape is shaped by a complex and evolving pursuit of self-governance across four states—Turkey, Iraq, Syria, and Iran—each of which presents distinct political, legal, and historical conditions. Despite shared linguistic and cultural markers, Kurdish political trajectories have diverged significantly, reflecting the interaction between post-imperial state formation, regional security considerations, and international legal norms as described by Gunter, (2014).

Historical Roots and the Absence of Kurdish Statehood

Kurdish aspirations for self-determination emerged prominently in the aftermath of the First World War, influenced by international principles such as Wilson’s Fourteen Points and early post-Ottoman treaties. The Treaty of Sèvres (1920) initially envisaged the possibility of Kurdish autonomy, while the Treaty of Lausanne (1923) ultimately consolidated the territorial integrity of the new Turkish Republic and neighbouring states, effectively excluding Kurdish claims from the emerging international order (Gunter, 2014).

From the perspective of international law, this settlement embedded a structural constraint on Kurdish secession. The principle of territorial integrity became dominant, while external self-determination remained applicable primarily to decolonisation contexts. As a result, Kurdish claims were subsumed within the sovereignty of existing states, leaving autonomy and minority rights as the primary—though uneven—avenues for political recognition.

From a diplomatic standpoint, the post-Lausanne order did more than delimit borders; it institutionalised a regional norm that external actors have been reluctant to disrupt. Even major powers that have tactically cooperated with Kurdish actors, such as the United States in Iraq and Syria, have stopped short of endorsing Kurdish statehood. This reflects a broader international consensus: while minority protections may be encouraged, redrawing borders in the Middle East risks cascading instability. Thus, Kurdish aspirations are evaluated not only through legal doctrine but also through geopolitical risk calculus.

For regional governments, Kurdish self-determination is not viewed in isolation. It is perceived through the prism of precedent. Any concession that resembles secession could embolden parallel claims elsewhere, whether ethnic, sectarian, or regional. Diplomatically, this creates a shared, even if rarely coordinated, interest among Ankara, Baghdad, Damascus, and Tehran in preventing full Kurdish independence, even when their bilateral relations remain adversarial.

Iraq: Institutionalised Autonomy Without Sovereignty

Among the four scenarios, Iraq represents the most evolved form of Kurdish self-rule. Since the establishment of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in the early 1990s, Iraqi Kurds have exercised a substantial degree of de facto autonomy. This process was later consolidated following the 2003 U.S.-led invasion of Iraq, which reshaped the country’s political system and formally recognised the Kurdistan Region within a federal framework. As Gunter (2014) argues, under the leadership of Masoud Barzani, who served as President of the Kurdistan Region from 2005 to 2017, the KRG expanded its institutional capacity, consolidating authority over regional governance, education, and security forces, including the Peshmerga.

This autonomy, however, has been shaped by internal political divisions, particularly the 1994 civil war between the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), which exposed the challenges of Kurdish political fragmentation and competing centres of authority within the region (Gunter, 2014). Moreover, Kurdish identity within Iraq has historically occupied an ambivalent position in national narratives. As reflected in Iraqi Arabic-language literature, Kurdish experiences were often marginalised or portrayed as peripheral to Iraqi national identity, reinforcing perceptions of Kurds as outsiders or potential challenges to state unity (Zeidel, 2011).

Despite post-1991 political transformations and increased engagement between Arab and Kurdish regions, Kurdish representation in Iraqi cultural and political discourse remains uneven. According to Zeidel (2011), this suggests that while autonomy has been institutionalised at the political and administrative level, it has not fully translated into broader societal integration within the Iraqi national framework.

From a diplomatic perspective, the Iraqi case demonstrates the outer limits of what the international system is currently willing to tolerate. The 2017 Kurdish independence referendum illustrated this boundary clearly. Despite strong domestic support within the Kurdistan Region, regional states uniformly opposed the move, and international actors declined to recognise the outcome. Baghdad’s reassertion of authority over disputed territories, including Kirkuk, proceeded without meaningful external resistance.

This episode underscores a critical diplomatic lesson: autonomy may be negotiated, but sovereignty remains guarded by both regional consensus and international inertia. The Kurdistan Regional Government today operates within a delicate equilibrium—leveraging energy diplomacy, foreign investment, and security partnerships, while avoiding steps that would trigger collective regional pushback.

Turkey: Identity, Security, and Contested Integration

In Turkey, the Kurdish question has been primarily framed as an issue of national unity and internal security. As Loizides (2010) notes, Kurdish national identity developed comparatively late, shaped by geographic dispersion, internal fragmentation, and prolonged state policies aimed at linguistic and cultural homogenisation. The Turkish state’s Kemalist ideology historically denied the existence of distinct ethnic identities, restricting Kurdish language use and political expression, which paradoxically contributed to the consolidation of Kurdish ethnic consciousness (Loizides, 2010).

Kurdish political movements in Turkey have adopted varied strategies, ranging from armed resistance to political participation and civil society mobilisation. Influenced by Abdullah Öcalan’s concept of Democratic Confederalism, segments of the Kurdish movement have articulated alternatives to statehood, advocating decentralised governance, cultural recognition, and participatory democracy without formal secession (Gunter, 2014).

From a realist perspective, Turkey’s response reflects a prioritisation of territorial integrity and regime security. Loizides (2010) observes that while limited political openings, such as EU-related reforms, diaspora media, and legal changes, have facilitated expressions of Kurdish identity, Kurdish demands continue to be assessed through a security lens, constraining institutional accommodation. 

However, realism alone does not fully capture Ankara’s evolving calculations. Turkey’s Kurdish policy is also shaped by its external diplomatic positioning—particularly relations with the European Union, NATO allies, and neighbouring Syria and Iraq. Periods of reform have often coincided with moments when Ankara sought to project democratic credentials internationally. Conversely, heightened security operations have tended to align with domestic political consolidation and regional instability.

Diplomatically, Turkey seeks to prevent the internationalisation of its Kurdish issue. It resists framing the matter as one of minority rights subject to external adjudication and instead asserts sovereign jurisdiction. This approach reflects a broader regional sensitivity: once internal identity conflicts become items on international diplomatic agendas, external leverage increases. Hence, Ankara’s consistent effort to define the issue primarily through a counterterrorism framework rather than as one of self-determination.

Syria: De Facto Autonomy and Recent Developments

In Syria, Kurdish political space expanded significantly during the civil war, as Kurdish-led administrations established de facto autonomous governance structures aligned with Democratic Confederalist principles (Gunter, 2014). These arrangements prioritised local councils, gender equality, and cultural recognition, while formally rejecting statehood claims.

Recent developments suggest a shift in the Syrian state’s approach. In 2026, Damascus issued a decree granting citizenship to stateless Kurds, recognising Kurdish as a national language and signalling an attempt to reintegrate Kurdish populations within a reconstituted state framework (Al Jazeera, 2026). These steps have taken place amid shifting military and diplomatic circumstances, including cooperation with Russia, and reflect the incorporation of Kurdish governance arrangements into broader processes of national consolidation.

The Syrian case introduces an additional diplomatic complexity: Kurdish actors have emerged not merely as domestic stakeholders but as intermediaries within broader geopolitical competition. Their cooperation with U.S.-led forces as local security partners, subsequent negotiations with Damascus, and tactical coordination with Russia illustrate how sub-state actors can acquire strategic relevance beyond their demographic weight.

Yet this relevance remains conditional. External powers have supported Kurdish-led administrations insofar as they serve immediate security objectives. Long-term political recognition, however, remains contingent upon reconciliation with central state authority. This reinforces a pattern observable across the region: Kurdish leverage increases during moments of state fragmentation but contracts as central governments reconstitute control.

Comparative Observations

Across all four cases, Kurdish political trajectories reflect the limits imposed by international norms, regional power balances, and domestic state structures. While Iraq demonstrates the possibility of sustained autonomy within a federal framework, Turkey and Iran continue to prioritise integration and security, and Syria’s evolving position remains closely tied to post-conflict state reconstruction.

From a diplomatic standpoint, the Kurdish question ultimately tests the flexibility of the Westphalian state system in the Middle East. It raises a recurring tension between stability and representation: regional governments prioritise territorial integrity, while Kurdish movements prioritise political recognition and self-administration. International actors, meanwhile, oscillate between normative support for minority rights and pragmatic commitment to existing borders.

The comparative evidence suggests that the future of Kurdish politics will not be determined by a singular breakthrough toward independence, but by incremental negotiations over autonomy, integration, and decentralisation. Where states perceive accommodation as strengthening stability, political space may expand. Where identity claims are securitised, political contraction is likely to follow.

In this sense, the Kurdish question remains less a frozen conflict than an evolving diplomatic negotiation embedded within broader regional transformations.

Bibliography 

Gunter, M., M. (2014), “Unrecognized De Facto States in World Politics: The Kurds.” The Brown Journal of World Affairs 20 (2): 161–178.

Loizides, N., G (2010), “State Ideology and the Kurds in Turkey.” Middle Eastern Studies 46 (4): 513–527. 

Zeidel, R. (2011), “The Iraqi Novel and the Kurds.” Review of Middle East Studies 45 (1): 19–34.

Al Jazeera (2026), “Syria Grants Immediate Citizenship to Kurds in Wake of Gains against SDF.” January 29, 2026. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2026/1/29/syria-grants-immediate-citizenship-to-kurds-in-wake-of-gains-against-sdf.


*Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any organization, institution, or group with which the author is affiliated.

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Foreign Direct Investment: Why Asia Must Reframe Its Economic Strategy

By: Muad Zaki,

Senior Fellow at Asia Middle East Center (AMEC)


For much of the past decade, foreign direct investment (FDI) was treated by governments as a largely technical and economic matter. Policymakers focused on macroeconomic stability, incentives, infrastructure readiness, and regulatory predictability. The underlying assumption was that global capital flowed within a broadly stable international framework—one governed by shared rules, multilateral institutions, and predictable norms. That framework has now broken.

Across Asia, including Malaysia, growth strategies were built on openness to investment from multiple directions, the United States, Europe, Japan, South Korea, and China. Non-alignment was not merely a diplomatic posture; it was an economic strategy made possible by an international system that rewarded neutrality and constrained unilateral coercion. For years, this allowed Asian economies to attract capital while remaining largely insulated from geopolitical confrontation.

Those conditions no longer hold. Foreign direct investment today operates in an international environment where prior assumptions about restraint, enforcement, and predictability have collapsed. Economic integration is no longer insulated from power politics. Capital flows are increasingly shaped by geopolitical pressure, strategic rivalry, and long-term alignment considerations, alongside traditional market fundamentals.

This reality was stated plainly at the 2026 World Economic Forum in Davos, when Mark Carney declared that the post-Cold War rules-based international order has already ruptured. His assessment was not a warning about future risk, but a diagnosis of present conditions. Trade, finance, supply chains, and regulatory systems are now routinely used as instruments of pressure rather than neutral mechanisms of cooperation. For a country as closely integrated with the United States as Canada, this public admission carried particular weight. For small and middle powers, the implications are even more serious.

In this fragmented global environment, sovereignty is increasingly respected only when it aligns with the strategic priorities of major powers. The experience of Venezuela illustrates this reality. External pressure was accompanied by unusually explicit statements linking strategic objectives directly to access to natural resources. Whatever one’s view of Venezuela’s domestic politics, the precedent is clear: when strategic assets are involved, international legal norms and multilateral restraint can be sidelined.

A similar logic, —expressed without military force,— was evident in Greenland. U.S. interest in Greenland was framed around security and strategic necessity, prompting firm rejection by Greenlandic and Danish authorities. The episode demonstrated that even stable, developed territories are not immune to from external pressure when geography or resources carry strategic value. These cases matter not because they are identical, but because they reflect a broader pattern with direct implications for long-term economic and investment policy.

Any serious discussion of foreign direct investment in Asia must also acknowledge the central role played by China in the region’s economic development over the past decade. Chinese investment has been a major driver of infrastructure expansion, industrial capacity building, manufacturing growth, logistics connectivity, and energy development across Asia, including Malaysia. These investments have focused on long-term economic fundamentals, such as—transport networks, industrial zones, ports, energy systems, and production facilities, —that directly support national development strategies and regional integration.

From the perspective of Asian governments and policymakers, Chinese investment has been widely regarded as practical, development-focused, and economically complementary. It has addressed financing gaps in large-scale projects that require scale, patience, and long investment horizons, often in areas where other sources of capital were limited or constrained. Importantly, China’s approach to investment engagement in Asia has emphasised economic outcomes rather than ideological or cultural conditionality, allowing host countries to pursue growth and infrastructure modernisation while preserving domestic policy autonomy.

At the same time, multinational corporations are adjusting rapidly to this new global landscape. Large firms now maintain dedicated geopolitical risk and strategic foresight units that assess medium- and long-term scenarios. These teams do not ask whether the old international system will return. They ask how host countries will manage alignment pressures once strategic competition intensifies further. The central concern for investors is policy durability and—whether regulatory frameworks, market access conditions, and compliance obligations will remain coherent over five to ten years.

In this context, countries that attempt to indefinitely hedge between competing power centres may be perceived as facing future policy disruption. This is not a judgement on the legitimacy of hedging, but a reflection of the narrowing space for sustained neutrality in a world where economic relations are increasingly politicised.

The breakdown of shared rules has also transformed how major powers approach investment. Foreign direct investment is increasingly used as leverage. Market access, technology cooperation, and even security partnerships are tied to political expectations. Policy signals from Washington suggest that preferential treatment for U.S. firms may become more explicit, sometimes at the expense of Canadian or European investors. Security arrangements can further complicate this environment when they indirectly constrain economic policy and raise questions about long-term regulatory independence.

At the same time, strategic divergence between the United States and the European Union, alongside Canada’s public reassessment of its global posture, is reshaping global investment behaviour. European scrutiny of major U.S. technology firms reflects a broader effort to reclaim regulatory and political autonomy in an increasingly fragmented international system. For Asia, this fragmentation presents both risks and opportunities.

What this means for Asian policymakers is clear. Foreign direct investment frameworks designed for a stable, rules-based international order are no longer sufficient. Governments must move from a model of passive investment attraction to one of strategic investment management. This requires integrating geopolitical foresight into economic policy, providing long-term clarity and predictability to investors, strengthening regional coordination within ASEAN, and embedding safeguards that protect sovereignty while preserving openness to productive partnerships.

This is not about choosing sides. It is about reducing vulnerability to coercion in a world where coercion has become normalised. The greatest risk facing policymakers today is not misjudgement, but delay. The assumption that the global system will self-correct has already been overtaken by events.Foreign direct investment will continue to flow. But in the current global environment, how it is governed —and the strategic clarity that underpins it —will increasingly determine not only economic outcomes, but national resilience itself.

*Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any organization, institution, or group with which the author is affiliated.

Mr. Muad M Zaki   

Senior Fellow

WRITTEN BY:

Muad Zaki
Director of Democracy & Transparency Initiative,
AMEC
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Starlink and the Risks of Digital Power Politics in the Middle East

By Muad M Zaki. 

Senior Fellow, Asia Middle East Center 

 

For more than a decade, U.S. strategy has searched for ways to influence political outcomes abroad without repeating the political and human costs of direct military intervention. Wars are expensive, electorally damaging, and increasingly unpopular across Western societies. In this environment, technology has been elevated as a substitute for force, capable of applying pressure, shaping narratives, and sustaining political movements without crossing the threshold of armed conflict.

The confrontation surrounding Starlink and Iran exposes the limits—and dangers—of that assumption. What began as a non-kinetic experiment in influence has not only failed to deliver decisive outcomes but, has also accelerated military escalation while raising fundamental questions about sovereignty, international law, and the reliability of shared communications infrastructure for allies as well as adversaries.

At its core, this is not a story about satellites or bandwidth. It is about whether privately owned technology can be selectively deployed to advance state objectives without undermining the legal order it claims to support.

The Strategic Appeal of Starlink

From a U.S. strategic perspective, Starlink appeared to offer something unprecedented: a transnational communications layer that does not rely on domestic infrastructure and is therefore difficult for states to control. Satellite terminals operate independently of national networks, creating the perception that connectivity could be sustained even when governments attempted to shut information flows down.

Strategically, this offered three advantages. First, circumvention without invasion. Political pressure could be applied without troops or airstrikes, avoiding escalation and the costs of kinetic force. Second, persistence. Because the infrastructure was external, it was assumed to be resilient to state countermeasures. Third, political insulation. As a privately owned commercial service, Starlink could be presented as neutral technology even when its effects aligned closely with U.S. foreign-policy objectives.

In practice, Starlink functioned as a pressure-sustaining infrastructure, capable of maintaining internal connectivity during periods of unrest while preserving external narrative access. This role reflected operational decisions about where, when, and for whom access would be enabled.

Domestic Constraints and Strategic Incentives

These assumptions cannot be separated from political realities in Washington. For President Donald Trump, the costs of direct confrontation with Iran are not abstract. Military escalation in the Middle East carries clear electoral risks, particularly ahead of midterm elections, when public tolerance for new conflicts is limited.

This has produced a visible split within the U.S. policy establishment. On one side are interventionist factions pressing for decisive action against Iran, even at the risk of regional war. On the other are “America First” voices that view foreign conflict as a political liability and urge concentration on domestic priorities. In this context, technology-driven pressure appeared to offer a compromise: influence outcomes without triggering a war that could destabilize domestic politics.

The Miscalculation

What was underestimated was not Iran’s technical capacity alone, but the breadth of its statecraft, particularly its anticipation that non-kinetic pressure would be paired with covert, intelligence-driven efforts to destabilize its internal security environment.

Rather than attempting to destroy satellites or escalate militarily, Iran focused on denying usability within its territory. States do not need to control infrastructure globally; they need only control the legal, physical, and electromagnetic environment in which it operates domestically.

Iran combined electromagnetic interference, criminal enforcement against unlicensed communications equipment, and physical deterrence through confiscation and penalties. These measures raised the personal cost of reliance on the system and sharply reduced its strategic utility. Importantly, they fall squarely within established principles of international law governing spectrum regulation and telecommunications.

The Neutrality Claim and the Gaza Test

The episode also exposes a deeper inconsistency in claims that Starlink operates as a neutral or humanitarian platform.

If satellite connectivity were genuinely deployed to protect civilians, journalists, and medical workers during crises, Gaza would represent the clearest possible case for its use. For more than two full years, Gaza has endured sustained large-scale civilian destruction, the collapse of medical infrastructure, mass displacement, and prolonged information blackouts, conditions widely recognized as genocide under international law by United Nations investigative mechanisms and reflected in proceedings before international courts under the 1948 Genocide Convention.

Yet during this two-year period, Starlink did not provide unrestricted, civilian-focused access to doctors, hospitals, journalists, or humanitarian organizations operating under siege. This absence is not a technical oversight or logistical delay. After two years, it can only be understood as a deliberate political choice.

Selective deployment across crises transforms a technology from a neutral humanitarian tool into a discretionary instrument aligned with geopolitical priorities.

Alignment With U.S. Policy and the Risks Ahead

It is therefore reasonable to conclude that Starlink has been used selectively in ways that support U.S. foreign-policy objectives, including in contexts where those objectives conflict with international legal obligations. Under international law, particularly the Genocide Convention, states and relevant actors have a duty to prevent genocide where possible. Withholding a capability that could materially assist civilians during a legally recognized genocide, while deploying that same capability elsewhere to sustain political pressure, carries legal and normative significance.

History suggests that escalation rarely begins with overt military strikes. It is more often preceded by covert action, intelligence operations, and proxy dynamics designed to weaken a target state from within. The Syrian war offers a sobering precedent: networks activated for short-term leverage quickly escaped control, producing regional instability that far outlasted their original objectives.

A similar risk now looms in the context of Iran. Such tactics may appear to offer deniability and leverage, but experience suggests they carry profound risks.

Europe and Global Consequences

The most significant danger revealed by the Starlink–Iran episode is not escalation with Iran alone, but the normalization of digital infrastructure as an instrument of geopolitical coercion. When private technology platforms can be selectively enabled or withheld in line with strategic priorities, they cease to function as neutral commercial services and instead become extensions of state power.

For Europe, the implications are acute. European states are deeply exposed to energy volatility, inflationary shocks, misinformation and political fragmentation driven by external crises. Yet they are also increasingly dependent on U.S.-based private infrastructure that operates under American jurisdiction. The Starlink precedent raises an unavoidable question: if such technologies can be used selectively against adversaries today, what guarantees exist that they will not be leveraged tomorrow in moments of transatlantic disagreement?

This is not a hypothetical concern. The selective deployment of Starlink—active in some politically aligned contexts, absent during two years of legally recognized genocide in Gaza—demonstrates that access is shaped by power, not principle. Once that reality is acknowledged, trust in shared infrastructure inevitably erodes.

The danger ahead is not simply escalation with Iran. It is the normalization of a system in which communications infrastructure becomes another instrument of coercion—quiet, deniable, and increasingly difficult to trust—undermining the sovereignty of independent states and destabilizing the international order.

*Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any organization, institution, or group with which the author is affiliated.

Mr. Muad M Zaki   

Senior Fellow

WRITTEN BY:

Muad Zaki
Director of Democracy & Transparency Initiative,
AMEC
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Canada–China Engagement in a Shifting Global Order: A Strategic Reset with Broader Implications for Asia—and Beyond

By: Muad Zaki,

Canada’s renewed engagement with China is often described as a tactical response to near-term geopolitical pressures. That interpretation understates what is unfolding.

What is taking shape reflects a deeper recognition: the assumptions that once governed alliance predictability, trade continuity, and economic risk are no longer reliable. Middle powers are adjusting accordingly—not loudly, not ideologically, but decisively.

The recent visit by the Canadian prime minister to Beijing, and the steps toward normalization that followed, signal an understanding that stability can no longer be assumed. In an environment shaped by persistent volatility—much of it originating from policy unpredictability in Washington—strategic resilience is increasingly defined by diversification rather than alignment alone.

Strategic Realism in an Era of U.S.-Driven Volatility

For decades, Canada operated within a U.S.-led economic system assumed to be institutionally stable. That assumption has weakened. The United States government has increasingly relied on unilateral trade actions, transactional diplomacy, and policy reversals driven by domestic political cycles.

These measures have affected allies as readily as adversaries. For export-dependent economies, this volatility translates directly into risk—discouraging investment, complicating planning, and exposing domestic sectors to external political shocks.

Canada’s recalibration should therefore be understood not as a rejection of partnership, but as a rational response to structural uncertainty.

Why Asia, and Why China

Asia remains the principal engine of global growth, and China sits at the center of global production and trade networks. Engagement reflects economic structure rather than political alignment.

Stabilizing relations with China expands Canada’s strategic options, strengthens supply-chain resilience, and reduces exposure to abrupt external shocks. In a deeply interdependent system, optionality has become a core strategic asset.

From Risk Mitigation to Structural Rebalancing

Engagement with China may begin as risk mitigation, but its longer-term implications are potentially far more consequential.

History suggests that shifts in global order rarely begin with declarations. They emerge through accumulated decisions taken by states adjusting to instability. Over time, those adjustments reshape strategic gravity.

If sustained, Canada’s recalibration may come to be viewed as an early indicator of a broader transition—one in which middle powers move away from singular strategic concentration toward more distributed and pragmatic alignment patterns.

Agriculture and Strategic Payoff

For Canadian agriculture, the implications are immediate. China has long been a critical market for Canadian canola, seafood, pulses, and agri-food exports. Disruptions in this relationship previously exposed farmers to sudden market closures and price instability unrelated to fundamentals.

Normalization restores predictability. For producers, that predictability translates into planning certainty, market confidence, and resilience. In commodity markets, certainty is value.

Inflation Risk and Economic Stability

The significance of engagement lies less in past price effects than in future risk avoidance.

Trade instability—particularly when driven by U.S. tariff escalation—has repeatedly introduced inflationary pressure into global markets. By reducing exposure to such shocks, Canada lowers the probability that external political volatility will transmit directly into domestic cost-of-living pressures.

Engagement functions not as stimulus, but as insulation.

Strategic Signaling

Canada’s approach also sends a signal. In a period marked by policy volatility from Washington, calm and deliberate engagement communicates competence and strategic autonomy.

This posture reflects neither naïveté nor confrontation. It reflects a judgment that economic security in the current era requires diversification—even among allies.

A Test Case for Europe

Canada’s recalibration may resonate beyond the Indo-Pacific. For Europe, which faces similar exposure to U.S. trade volatility and strategic uncertainty, the Canada–China trajectory could serve as a reference point.

Historically, the European Union has adjusted incrementally to external shocks—trade disputes, sanctions spillovers, energy dependence—rather than through abrupt realignment. The concept of strategic autonomy emerged from precisely such reassessments.

Canada’s experience may help clarify whether engagement with China can be recalibrated without abandoning alliances or political values. The question is no longer whether diversification is desirable, but whether delaying it remains viable.

A Strategic Imperative for Beijing

For this recalibration to endure, the next move matters. China should treat Canada’s decision not merely as a diplomatic opening, but as a strategic moment requiring speed, visibility, and tangible delivery.

The current Canadian government has taken a political risk by moving toward normalization at a time when neoconservative currents in Washington are likely to respond with pressure and disruption. If early benefits are not felt domestically, momentum can stall.

China therefore has a clear interest in front-loading benefits in ways that ordinary Canadian businesses and citizens can feel quickly.

Accelerated market access for Canadian agri-food exports, fast-tracked approvals for small and medium-sized enterprises, expanded business mobility, and visible near-term purchasing commitments would translate diplomacy into an immediate economic signal. These steps do not require new ideology. They require execution.

Canada has opened the door. The strategic task now is to ensure the corridor is used before it is contested.

Canada’s renewed engagement with China reflects a clear-eyed response to structural change in the international system. It prioritizes economic stability, protects key export sectors, and reduces exposure to external policy volatility—particularly that originating from an increasingly unpredictable United States.

If sustained—and matched by decisive, visible follow-through from Beijing—this approach may come to be understood not merely as prudent diversification, but as one of the earliest long-term adjustments to a shifting global order.

In a world where unpredictability has become structural, adaptability is no longer tactical. It is strategic.


*Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any organization, institution, or group with which the author is affiliated.

Mr. Muad M Zaki   

Senior Fellow
WRITTEN BY:
Muad Zaki
Director of Democracy & Transparency Initiative,
AMEC
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Power Without Restraint: What Asia Must Now Confront

By Muad M Zaki. 

Senior Fellow, Asia Middle East Center 

The assumption that Asian—or even Muslim—countries can continue to depend on an unreliable and unpredictable United States, or a visibly weakened Europe, as pillars of global stability must now be rigorously re-examined.

It is true that many Asians, including Muslims and others, were educated in politics, science, and numerous other disciplines in the West, and there remains genuine gratitude for that intellectual legacy. Yet the West that was once admired has steadily eroded due to its own strategic and ideological failures. The free marketplace of ideas and robust protection of free speech—once the cornerstone of Western political appeal—has largely vanished. Today, students paying premium tuition fees in many Western countries no longer encounter the intellectually open and pluralistic environments that earlier generations experienced. Instead, they face expanding regulatory, ideological, and institutional constraints on independent thought and expression.

For those who continue to argue that Asia somehow “owes” the West, the only obligation that remains is to remind Western policymakers why their systems were once respected—because at present, their governance trajectory is moving decisively in reverse gear.

The recent actions of the US neoconservative establishment in Venezuela—including the extraterritorial seizure of its leader and the hurried fabrication of legal justifications for what are fundamentally unlawful acts—underscore how selectively both international law and domestic US law are now applied. This should serve as a clear warning to every independent government that values the rule of law, or at minimum expects consistency and good faith from Washington.

If even long-standing US allies such as Canada and members of the European Union can no longer rely on American commitments, it is unrealistic for Asian states to assume that trade agreements or security arrangements engineered by the US will remain dependable. The strategic risk is simply too high.

Simultaneously, many Asian countries increasingly look toward China for economic partnership and security balance, albeit with unease stemming from Beijing’s long-standing non-interference doctrine. This presents China with a growing strategic dilemma. First, Beijing has effectively lost Venezuela, one of its most dependable economic partners in Latin America. If this lesson is not internalized swiftly, China risks a similar outcome with its most significant strategic partner in the Middle East: Iran.

Should this occur, it is entirely plausible that the US will escalate pressure on Asian states, coercing alignment regardless of domestic public opinion. Washington’s calculation, however, continues to rely on China maintaining strict adherence to non-interference—thereby allowing the US to incrementally encircle China, following a playbook previously deployed against Russia.

At present, China retains a strategic advantage in Asia. Across the region, there are credible political leaders prepared to accept China as a regional political and security anchor—provided China is willing to assume that role decisively. Yet as long as Beijing’s non-interference posture remains unchanged, Asian governments will continue to view open resistance to US pressure as a political and economic gamble, particularly when Chinese intervention is assumed but not guaranteed.

From Beijing’s perspective, substantial resources have rightly been devoted to people-to-people engagement and shared economic prosperity. However, the pace of this approach has not matched the speed or intensity of contemporary US geopolitical adventurism. While long-term societal engagement is essential, China could benefit from selectively adopting foreign-policy methods historically employed by Britain in Asia—particularly in distinguishing between leaders who view China merely as a financial resource for domestic patronage, and those who genuinely value China as a stabilizing regional partner.

As global geopolitics continue to deteriorate, Asia must adapt with realism rather than nostalgia—until, perhaps, the West eventually recognizes that perpetual confrontation and manufactured instability serve no one’s long-term interests.

*Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any organization, institution, or group with which the author is affiliated.

Mr. Muad M Zaki   

Senior Fellow

WRITTEN BY:

Muad Zaki
Director of Democracy & Transparency Initiative,
AMEC
Read More